One of Tony Benn's much repeated themes is that the British voters are to the left of the political parties in parliament, and of course he is right, at least as far as the leaderships of the three main parties are concerned. Indeed, if one put Blair, Campbell and Cameron together in a room to share their true beliefs – and accepting the Liberal Democrats's opposition to the Iraq war – there would indeed be little to choose between them, with Blair probably edging to the right of the other two.
New Labour came to office on a wave a national euphoria to roll back Thatcherism – or so many thought – and then proceeded by degrees to intensify the Thatcher revolution in a drive to the right. This perplexed and confused thousands of loyal Labour Party members, and angered and appalled socialists and peace–lovers everywhere. Campaign Group members were not surprised, but it took time for many to recognise just how right wing Blair really was. Privatisation, means–testing, and neo–liberal economics, with no effective attempt to redress the social inequalities created by Thatcher were evidence from the start that New Labour was set to continue Thatcherism not reverse it.
From the start, Blair should have been known by his friends, with Thatcher invited to tea at Downing Street in his first few weeks. There followed discreet weekend meetings with Aznar, the right–wing Conservative Spanish Prime Minister (whose wife was a Francoist), and holidays with Berlusconi (and, it has to be said, with Cliff Richard). Then of course, the big one, cuddling up to George Bush, the most right–wing US President in modern history.
More recently, Blai's open support for Sarkozy in France against moderate socialist Ségolene Royal and conspiring with Germany's Angela Merkel has hardly raised a murmur, because Blair's politics have really nothing to do with Labour or the left, or even middle of the road European social democracy. The suggestion that New Labour has been centre left is indeed simply laughable. It has always been part of the modern neo–liberal drive to unpick and dismantle post war socialist advances. It is the job of the left, in harness with the trade unions and supported by millions of voters, to stop and reverse that drive.
That process has already begun, starting with John McDonnell's campaign for the leadership, and now, surprisingly, with the party's Deputy Leadership election. At the time of writing the result is not known, but it is the response of audiences to comments by the competing candidates which have been most revealing. Each time candidates have hinted at a move to the left and away from New Labour they have been warmly applauded. The suggestion that the government should abandon plans to renew the Trident nuclear missile system has been most strongly applauded. Disapproval of the Iraq war, support for renationalising the railways and other policies advocated by the left have also been well received.
All this has simply established the truth of Tony Benn's thesis that the British people are to the left of the leaderships of the major parties and that they have had enough not just of Blair but the whole crumbling New Labour edifice. Labour has continued to win general elections, sometimes narrowly, because just enough Labour supporters keep turning out to stop the Tories returning to power. But for Labour to win next time, millions of voters must be persuaded that the Labour Party really is worth voting for positively, and especially in Scotland and Wales upon which Labour's Westminster majority is absolutely dependent. Victory can only be guaranteed if the real Labour Party re–asserts itself and New Labour is abandoned. And this revival must be based on substance, not slogans and spin. A left policy agenda clearly distinct from the Tories, the Liberal Democrats and indeed the nationalists is vital if Labour is to win next time.
This means there must be some serious reversals of policy on a whole range of issues. Local authorities must be given the power and resources to recreate local authority housing for millions of families in need of a decent home and for whom owner–occupation is now impossible. Secondly, pensions must be raised substantially with the abandonment of means–testing. Thirdly, billions must be spent on childcare and early years provision to reduce the shameful levels of child poverty which are still amongst the worst in Europe. Privatisation of Britain's public services must be halted and reversed, with the abandonment of PFI and the re–instatement of real public investment. The railways must be brought back into public ownership and re–integrated into an effective and efficient national railway system. Long term care must be made free at the point of need as a universal service paid for out of taxation and student fees must be abolished and grants made generally available to students. Worker and trade union rights should be restored and strengthened and the taxation system must be made genuinely progressive with the rich paying substantially more.
All of these policies would be massively popular with the electorate and guarantee Labour victory at the next election.
Such a programme would also unify the labour movement behind the Labour government and revive the passion and idealism of Labour Party members at last able to see ahead to a future of peace, equality and social advance. Disillusioned former party members would re–join.
The final test of such a programme would be in parliament. It is surely impossible to imagine Labour MPs Ñ even today's PLP Ñ rebelling to vote with the Tories against such progressive and democratic socialist measures. With mass popular support from Labour voters the left could indeed lead the way to Labour victories for years to come. Gordon Brown has nothing to lose and everything to gain by embracing this socialist programme in the tradition of earlier great Labour governments and great Labour leaders.
Kelvin Hopkins MP
